Two curious instances of the separation of Moor and limb, conjoined now in ornamental testament to a cluttered, associative memory...

One of the pleasures I think of progressing in life's journey is that as one does, one's head becomes increasingly well-furnished with ideas, images, and experiences that - hopefully - are a pleasure to revisit.  At least if one is progressing well in this journey; that is my opinion.  I have (or should say, my family has) chucked quite a bit of money towards many years of college to achieve this end, even if said end was never the originally-intended one meant to justify its rather expensive and coincidental means.  I guess this is to say that my would-be career has yet to really pan out, but I've learned to enjoy the ride just the same. And I'll add - and I think soon illustrate - that there are all kinds of rides...

I recently had an old painting brought up from the depths of memory. It's one of the freakier works we studied in a class on Italian Renaissance art I took for an Art History minor during my quest for a second degree.  The painting, by Fra Angelico, is called Miracle of the Deacon Justinian.  It's actually one of many that decorate the the predella (or altarpiece) of San Marco in Florence and are dated around 1438-40.  In the composition, two twin brothers - the Saints Cosmas and Damian, both physicians who were martyred in 287 - appear hovering around the sleeping Roman deacon Justinian.  The textbook briefly describes the painting as "show(ing) the two saints, who float in trailing soft clouds, exchanging the deacon's gangrenous leg for a healthy one amputated from a Moor," before matter-of-factly segueing into a comparatively lengthy celebration of Fra Angelico's mastery of light and shadow in the interior setting.

Fra Angelico's Miracle of the Deacon Justinian, 1438-40

 

If you're like me, your initial response to the painting runs somewhere along the lines of: Hmmm. Now that's awfully bizarre.  And the textbook's authors' more or less glossing over of the subject matter only enhances its strange sense of mystery - and I don't mean the spiritual, saintly sort, I mean the WTF? sort of mystery...

The scene really does prompt a question or two.  I mean, I suppose it's very swell to be less one rotten old leg; and so much the better to have a transplant rather than I stump, I am inclined to believe.  But how strange to - you know - not exactly have a "matcher".  Really, what's it like to wake up to that -   The miracle and the mix-n-match?  I'm willing to wager there's a broad expanse of reactions to be had.  And then there's also the question of this new leg's origins: what happened to this donating Moor? Is he hopping around, less one leg?  

Initially I was left to wonder if the painting didn't reflect some sort of de facto reduction of the African as commodity: as not only the European's source of (later) slave labor but even body parts as well.  I've since googled the painting and its subjects several times for more information.  The Fra Angelico work itself shows up frequently enough in search results - many art print companies sell copies of it - but a detailed telling of the actual story it portrays is harder to come across.  A couple sites modify the brief telling to include that the leg came from a "recently deceased Ethiopian".  Another site goes as far as to report that the Ethiopian donor had been a slain gladiator.  Well, maybe so, but I am not entirely convinced: the relative silence seems somewhat deafening for such a curious composition - one that frankly begs for explanation upon first viewing - which leads me to wonder if the whole "recently deceased" thing isn't a little ex post facto, if you know what I mean.  Well - either way - another of the pleasures of progressing through life is a diminished tendency to give the European the benefit of the doubt...

Speaking of Europeans behaving badly, my read of the moment is Charles C. Mann's delightful and fascinating 1493: Uncovering the New World Columbus Created.  It's the sequel to his perhaps even more compelling 1491: New Revelations of the Americas Before Columbus.  I like both books very much because Mann's research and reportage really challenge the old, misguided assumptions that we as Americans - which is to say as both citizens of the United States and also as peoples of the greater continental Americas - carry about in our patchy grasp of our own history.  Mann's narratives are pretty much guaranteed to elicit an ongoing series of Hmmm's, Huhhh's, and How About That's...

Speaking of Moors under the knife, it was Mann's latest book that brought Miracle of the Deacon Justinian to mind: specifically the story of Esteban de Dorantes, a Moor under Spanish slavery, whose life is I think one of the more fascinating, adventurous, and frankly rather surreal narratives that I've read about lately.  I won't chatter on too much about it, but rather let you enjoy the lengthy passage I have transcribed from Mann's 1493 [with a little commentary of my own added in brown] :

The paradigmatic example of the African disapora may be the man known variously as Esteban, Estevan, Estevancio, or Estebanico de Dorantes, an Arabic-speaking Muslim/Christian raised in Azemmour, Morocco.  Plagued by drought and civil war in the sixteenth century, Moroccans fled by the desperate tens of thousands to the Iberian peninsula, glumly accepting slavery and Christianity as the price of survival.  Many came from Azemmour, which Portugal, taking advantage of the region's instability, occupied during Esteban's childhood.  He was bought, probably in Lisbon, by a minor Spanish noble named Andrés Dorantes de Carranza.  Dreaming of repeating Cortés's feats of conquest, Dorantes, with Esteban in tow, joined an overseas expedition led by Pánfilo de Narváez , a fiercely ambitious Castilian duke with every good quality required of a leader except good judgment and good luck.

More than four hundred men, an unknown number of them African, landed under Narváez's command in southern Florida on April 14, 1528.  One catastrophe followed another as they moved up Florida's Gulf coast in search of gold.  Narváez vanished at sea; Indians, disease, and starvation picked off most of the rest.  After about a year, the survivors built ragtag boats and tried to escape to Hispaniola.  They ran aground off the coast of Texas, losing most of their remaining supplies.  Of the original four hundred men, just fourteen were still alive.  Soon the tally was down to four, one of whom was Esteban.  Another was Esteban's owner, Dorantes. [ This is where I cannot help but put myself into the shoes of Esteban and ask of the universe, Seriously? 396 men die and none of them is the turd that owns me? Talk about really not catching a break...]

The four men trekked west, toward Mexico, in a passage of stunning hardship.  They ate spiders, ant eggs, and prickly pear.  They lost all their possessions and walked naked.  They were enslaved and tortured and humiliated.  As they passed from one Indian realm to the next, they began to be taken for spirit healers - as if native people believed their horrific journey of itself must have brought these strange, naked, bearded people close to the numinous.  Perhaps the Indians were right, for Esteban and the Spaniards began curing diseases by chant and the sign of the cross.  One of the Spaniards brought back a man from the dead, or said he did.  They wore shells on their arms and feathers on their legs and carried flint scalpels.  As wandering healers they acquired an entourage of followers, hundreds strong.  Grateful patients handed them gifts: bountiful meals, precious stones, six hundred dried deer hearts.

Esteban was the scout and ambassador, the front man who contacted each new culture in turn as they walked thousands of miles across the Southwest, along the Gulf of California and into the mountains of central Mexico.  By some measures, Esteban was the leader of the group.  He certainly held the Spaniard's lived in his hands every time he encountered a new group and, rattling his shaman's gourd, explained who they were.

Eight years after their departure, the four Narváez survivors entered Mexico City. The three Spaniards were feted and honored.  Esteban was re-enslaved and sold.  His new owner was named Antonio de Mendoza, viceroy of New Spain. Mendoza soon assigned him as the guide to a reconnaissance party going north - Esteban was back on the road.  The party was searching for the Seven Cities of Gold.  Supposedly these had been established in the eighth century by Portugeuse clerics escaping from Muslim invasions.  For decades, people from Spain and Portugal had been hunting them - the Seven Cities were an Iberian version of the Sasquatch or Yeti.  Why anyone should imagine these cities were in the U.S. Southwest is unexplained and perhaps unexplainable.  Somehow the tales of the Narváez survivors reignited this passion, and Mendoza had succumbed. 

Leading the expedition was Marcos de Niza, a Franciscan missionary who has never been charged with insufficient zeal.  Mendoza's instructions took pains to command Esteban to obey him.  But Esteban had no interest in following orders.  As they moved north he encountered Indians who recalled him from his previous journey.  He shed his Spanish garb, wore bells, feathers, and chunks of turquoise, and shook a rattle in a spiritual fashion.  He again acquired several hundred followers.  He ignored Niza's demand that he stop performing ritual cures and refuse his patients' gifts of alcohol and women. 

In a decision that the missionary claimed was his own, Esteban and his followers went ahead of the rest of the party after crossing the Rio Grande.  Quickly they gained a lead of many miles.  Once again, Esteban was moving into an area never before seen by someone from across the ocean.  Days after the separation, Niza encountered some of Esteban's entourage, wounded and bleeding.  In the mountains at the Arizona-New Mexico border, they told him, the group had come across the Zuni town of Hawikuh, a collection of two- and three-story sandstone homes that climbed like white steps up a hill.  It's ruler angrily refused entrance.  They barricaded Esteban and his cohort into a big hut outside town without food or water.  Esteban was slain when he tried to escape Hawikuh the next day, along with most of the people accompanying him. 

The Zuni themselves have a different story - stories, I should say, because many have been recounted. In one version told to me, Esteban is not refused entry, but welcomed into Hawikuh.  The people have heard of this man and his extraordinary journey.  They want to keep him there - want this very badly, at least in the story.  He is a man like no other they have encountered, and incredible physical specimen with his skin and hair, a man whose spirit holds a great wealth of knowledge and perhaps more, a valuable possession they have no desire to lose.

To prevent his departure, they cut off his lower legs, lay him gently on his back, and bathe themselves in his supernatural presence.  Esteban lives in this way for many years, the story goes, always treated with the respect due to such uncommon figures, always on his back, legs stretched out, with the wrappings on his stumps carefully tended.

All versions of his end are based on stories that people have told to themselves.  His actual fate may never be known with certainty.  What seems clear is that in the end this man who crossed so many bridges fell into the same delusion that possessed so many Spaniards.  He thought that he understood the shook-up world he was creating and that he was in control.  He forgot that under bridges is only air.

Well, quite a life's journey, don't you think?  I confess that I'm going with the Zuni version of Dorantes' denouement naturally, because it adds a certain element to an already rather bizarre narrative. And Mann's telling of Esteban de Dorantes' life frankly makes me yearn for Federico Fellini to return from the dead to direct the film adaptation, preferably in the style of his Satyricon of 1969.


- a.t.s.

Charles Mann's 1493: Uncovering the New World Columbus Created is available through Alfred A. Knopf publishers, wherever better printed books are still sold...

Quotation in second paragraph taken from History of Italian Renaissance Art: Painting, Sculpture, and Architecture by Frederick Hartt and David G. Wilkins, fifth edition, published by Harry N. Abrams.



On how to turn a black man white, a white man black, and other curious scientific hypotheses of the Age of Enlightenment...

A plate from Buffon's Histoire naturelle: sometimes science smells bad.

I've just had an old Facebook meme brought to mind this week.  It was called, more or less, 25 Things About Me, and perhaps you remember it, too.  Users were invited to author a note that listed twenty-five lesser-known facts about themselves; and these ranged from the very light and trivial to the astonishingly intimate, each based of course on the disposition of its confessor.  Once posted, one tagged to the note twenty-five other friends deemed worthy of sharing, and in so doing obliged them to generate in turn lists of their own.  And so it went as the meme spread throughout the site's usership.  Actually, it was pretty good as far as Facebook things go - definitely more interesting than playing Farmville - and it came at a time when I think users were less leery than today and definitely more interested in exploring the potential of online social networking platforms.  It was even referenced by Jimmy Fallon in the "Weekend Update" segment on Saturday Night Live.

I mention the 25 Things today in part because I participated, too; and really, since I am considered wordy, I was pretty happy to do so.  An observation (or maybe a warning), though: it garnered a far more varied range of responses than originally speculated - but that's another story altogether.  It's mentioned today mostly to resurrect a particular entry on the list:

19. I find that if one looks at the history of human culture, of human thought and belief and social attitudes and mores, the vast and contradictory and now often disproved mass of it all tends most often in my eyes to point to an enduring arbitrariness as a quality of the human condition. I believe that at least half of what we believe today is false or a construct of convenience or at best a charming naiveté, but I could not tell you which half. 

Well, so I felt in January of 2009, and I still do today.  I'm pretty sure that half of what's rolling around in your head and mine is pointless, that only time will sort it out, and that frankly by that time we'll probably be dead.

I'm guessing one could call this a kind of epistemological skepticism.  It's the product of education and my experience of the everyday, too.  When I started college, I knew I wanted a liberal arts sort of underpinning to my education and ended up with a B.A. in Religious Studies, with a minor in English.  This was after a lot of major-dabbling, and here I think my family would gleefully interject that one might read major as either a noun or an adjective, if not both.  Originally the program culminated in a degree in Philosophy, with a concentration in Religious Studies; and when a separate and distinct Religious Studies major emerged, I jumped ship.  But whatever the title, what the substance of either really breaks down to is a bunch of different people entertaining a bunch of different and often wildly contradictory ideas - of both truth and Truth - over the great expanse of human history.  And so at some point one is compelled to ask: Well, so much certainty in the thinkers and believers, but how can it all be true? 

The answer of course is that it can't; that a lot of it is actually bullshit. Or blindness. Or wishful thinking.  Yet people lived and died making of these sorts of things the compasses of their lives, pretty much none the wiser we can see today.  And speaking of today, I don't know that a look at our world exactly encourages optimism that humanity has improved its interior lot: any cursory glance through the average Facebook news feed will illustrate that.  To be clear, though, I definitely do not mean to say that we should abandon the endeavor of human thought as futile.  Nor am I really positioning myself here a conscious proponent of agnosticism.  Rather, I do favor a healthy sort of self-skepticism: the self-consciousness to know that what you hold to be true, you may do so not for its content and correspondence to reality, but often for what the holding does for you.  And finally I am saying this: enjoy the history of human thought, because it is fucking hilarious.

So what actually prompted this remembrance of Facebook past is a bit of hilarity found in my latest read, another of the terrific books I picked up along my tour through Virginia last fall.  The book is titled Mr. Jefferson and the Giant Moose: Natural History in Early America, and it's written by Lee Alan Dugatkin, a professor of biology at the University of Louisville.  I won't
 attempt to abstract the entirety of its contents, but the better part of the book examines
 the origins and effects of one of the less-enlightened ideas coming out of the so-called Enlightenment: the Theory of American Degeneracy.  And (news to me in 2012 and maybe you, too) basically this was a very widely embraced belief of the 18th and 19th century that every living thing - man included - either born of or once integrated into the landscape of the Americas basically went to shit. 

Say whaaat?

The idea was birthed from the pen of Georges-Louis Leclerc, Comte de Buffon, (1707-1788) - a preeminent natural scientist, mathematician, and later director of the Royal Gardens in France.  So sweeping was Buffon's influence that he's often credited as "the father of all thought in natural history in the second half of the 18th century."  His popularity is due in large part to his persuasive and eloquent writing style, which prompted the widespread readership of his 36 tome Histoire naturelle, générale et particulière, as it appeared in successive volumes from
 1749 to 1788.  And not only among his scientific peers but also the literate lay-public,
 especially participants in the idea-fueled salon culture of 18th century France. 

Thomas Jefferson to the rescue...

Dugatkin spells out Buffon's stance pretty well in the preface of his book:

In his massive encyclopedia of natural history, Histoire Naturelle, Buffon laid out what came to be called the theory of degeneracy.  He argues that, as a result of living in a cold and wet climate, all species found in America were weak and feeble.  What's more, any species imported into America for economic reasons would soon succumb to its new environment and produce lines of puny, feeble offspring.  America, Buffon told his readers, is a land of swamps, where life putrefies and rots.  And all of this from the pen of the preeminent natural historian of his century.

There was no escaping the pernicious effects of the American environment - not even for Native Americans.  They too were degenerate.  For Buffon, Indians were stupid, lazy savages.  In a particularly emasculating swipe, he suggested that the genitalia of Indian males were small and withered - degenerate - for the very same reason that the people were stupid and lazy. 

The environment and natural history had never before been used to make such sweeping claims, essentially damning and entire continent in the name of science.  Buffon's American degeneracy hypothesis was quickly adopted and expanded by men such as the Abbé Raynal and the Abbé de Pauw, who believed that Buffon's theory did not go far enough.  They went on to claim that the theory of degeneracy applied equally well to transplanted Europeans and their descendants in America.  These ideas became mainstream enough that Raynal felt comfortable sponsoring a contest in France on whether the discovery of America had been beneficial of harmful to the human race.

Books on American degeneracy were popular, reproduced in multiple editions, and translated from French into a score of languages including German, Dutch, and English; they were the talk of the salons of Europe and the manor houses of America. And it wasn't just the intelligentsia of the age who were paying attention - this topic was discussed in newspapers, journals, poems, and schoolbooks.

Wow. Can you imagine such crap being proposed - as scientific truth no less - about these big, beautiful Americas of ours?  This level of ridiculousness, it's a challenge to fully wrap one's head around it.  Yet that this was a commonly held and enduring prejudice is equally dumbfounding: these ideas were readily picked up by intellectual leaders like Voltaire, Kant, and Hegel.  Even Charles Darwin came to the Americas with degeneracy on his mind - in 1831, forty-three years after Buffon's death.

Well, I doubt anyone would question the eternal spring of Eurocentrism.  But it's not often one has cause to envision the American "Founding Fathers" on the short end of the social stick, themselves obliged to buck against a strange sort of pseudo-scientific, multi-tentacled racism.  Against taxation and the lack of representation, yes; but a real second-class human gradation on grounds other than the economics and geographic far-flungedness, no. 

Thomas Jefferson and fellow 18th & early 19th century leaders knew from experience the idea of degeneration to be complete garbage, and they were also acutely aware of the damaging effect such a belief would have on the future progress of the fledgling America.  Jefferson, whose passion and pleasure was natural science, made it is his mission to combat the sentiment and particularly to have the influential Count Buffon recant.  His strategy was to present the Count with proof contradictory to his claims of degeneracy and diminution, in part with a taxidermied specimen of the towering American moose - as Dugatkin recounts in his aptly-named Jefferson and the Giant Moose.  It was his work in collecting data to rebuff the Count that Notes on the State of Virginia - Jefferson's only published true book - was compiled and penned, an almost accidental bi-product of the endeavor.

Apparently the Comte de Buffon was of a school of natural scientists who generally did not often venture out into nature.  Instead they formulated theory based on both observations made from specimens in the great cabinets being amassed at the time, as well as taking data from the flow of often fanciful published reports of travelers and explorers.  And it should be noted that the authors of these accounts were, in the interest of boosting readership, seldom above the occasional outrageous claim.  Buffon actually did have access to some live animals in the royal collection, and apparently he also experimented in making observations of animals in captivity - as the following passage amusingly illustrates:

Buffon was also able to gather data directly on some species, albeit in very unnatural settings.  One such setting was his family estate, where he cordoned off one area and attempted to create a "semi-wild" environment that he stocked with foxes, hedgehogs, cats, chickens, dogs, badgers, and a monkey named Joko.  Though Buffon was able to gather some data at Montbard, most of the time his collection of animals went about chasing each other, burning themselves near fires, and begging their keepers for food.  Buffon gathered  a bit more reliable data at the Royal Menagerie, where he verified what he had heard about zebras and elephants by observing them person. 

Now that's what I call science. I mean, really, need one be so heavy-handed with the natural bit?

From Buffon's volumn on Ornithology. I don't know what the hell is going on here, but it's starting to look like a Walton Ford painting...

The human detail of Buffon's American degeneracy theory reflects a larger overarching racial interest.  I suppose one might give him credit for subscribing to monogenism (according to Wikipedia, "the concept that all races have a single origin"), which really might have seemed like a progressive idea at the time. The fact that it has its own definitive name is, I think, evidence that it has not always been regarded as a given.  But, and here Eurocentrism springs again eternal, Buffon and colleagues believed Adam & Eve - that is to say, the mint, in-the-box collector's edition of man - were Caucasian, and "that other races came about by degeneration from environmental factors, such as the sun and poor dieting."  Buffon's ideas of environment-based influence in an organism's outward physical expression of course predate Darwin's theories on evolution and natural selection - and they also offer a sort of naiveté that is actually rather amusing to read.  Writes Dugatkin:

The second pattern Buffon discerned centered on climate and skin color. Because humans were all part of a single race, Buffon believed that skin color was, in part, a direct result of climate.  Africans, for example, were dark-skinned, but they would become light skinned if they were moved to northern climates for a few hundred years.  Buffon went so far as proposing a direct test of this hypothesis: "To put the change of colour in the human species to the test of experiment, some Negroes should be transported from Senegal to Denmark, where the inhabitants have generally white skins, golden locks, and blue eyes, and where the difference of blood and opposition of colour are greatest."  Then, in order to remove the effects of racial mixing on skin color, Buffon suggested that "these Negroes must be confined to their own females, and all crossing of the breed scrupulously prevented.  This is the only method of discovering the time necessary to change a Negro into a White, or a White into a Black, by the mere opposition of climate."  From there it would become the anthropologist of the future's job to see what sorts of changes would take place in these African Danes...

Well, I have to say I would also be interested in the progress of those Danish Africans unwittingly transplanted to an isolated existence in Senegal:  "Hello, are you black yet?... No, not yet? OK, will check back in another hundred years..."


So why then did a nonsensical idea like the theory of degeneracy gain such traction in Europe?  Apparently, part of it was anxiety over emigration and the economic potential of the New World.  Monarchs, aristocrats, and the established order were concerned over the fact that people were increasingly less bound to the status quo.   They could now buy a tract of land and simply leave - both Europe and eventually Monarchical governance, too.  Abbé de Pauw, author of Philosophical Researches on the Americans and by far the most cunty of the pro-degenerists, is credited with writing to incur the favor of his patron, Frederick the Great, who had in fact instituted an agency in Hamburg "whose sole function was to prevent emigration to the New World, and instead to attract potential newcomers to Prussia."

Well, it's interesting to me that Buffon's theory - which was in large part constructed from observations of natural curiosities of the cabinet  - is today itself the curiosity.  And as anti-American as it was, in an interesting twist the very theory of American degeneracy and subsequent battle to disprove it is, according to Dugatkin, what gave rise to our national self-image of  "America as a beautiful, vast, resource-rich region, and its inhabitants as healthy, hardworking people in tune with nature."  And so that's an idea that - even if it might fall into that 50%-chanced realm of the bullshit we cling to - is certainly worth hanging on to all the same.
 

- a.t.s

In praise of socialites on peyote; or, the days & nights of the very rich and very curious Millicent Rogers...

 

So like a lot of gay men, I too have my Lady style icons.  And here I capitalize Lady to differ-entiate that sort of rarefied and celebrated creature that exists, sadly, on a plane far above you and me.  But I've never been one of those so-into-Judy or Liza or Marilyn types of guys; I'm just not that into tragedy.   Elizabeth Taylor is my idea of Hollywood glamour - and resilience, too.  But you know, it isn't the luminaries of stage and screen so much as a handful of bright and astoundingly stylish 20th century gals that I'm keen on: Diana Vreeland, the former editor of Vogue, penned one of the most electric autobiographies around (a quote from which I currently use above in the masthead of Amicus Curiositatis).  Pauline Potter de Rothschild went, mostly by means of intelligence and style, from a broken home and rocky childhood to create a startlingly exquisite world as chatelaine of the Mouton Rothschild estate.  And then there is Millicent Rogers...

Maybe it's because I'm partial to both New Mexico and stylish, independent-minded people, but I've always rather admired Millicent Rogers, the Standard Oil heiress and (yes, somewhat dilettante) artisan, who ended up - after a glamorous and highly episodic life - settling in Taos.  There she is memorialized in the eponymously named museum that houses the considerable collection of Native American and Spanish Colonial art, pottery, and jewelry amassed during her final years there.  I think today she's best known to fashion designers and editors - as a posthumous muse of sorts - and really what we know of her is mostly just a name attached to her often pioneeringly stylish image.  That's actually not necessarily such a bad place to be, since it leaves admirers either wanting more or free to fill in the blanks (or project) for themselves.  Of course being of the former camp myself, when I saw that a new biography about Rogers had come out I immediately bought it, completely disregarding the size and intended sequence of my growing to-read stack and otherwise superseding a book on Thomas Jefferson and Natural History.  I wanted to know more about the stark-looking lady behind the terrific clothes - and I'll also say that after a long literary romp with Lewis and Clark, I was ready to return to civilization...

The book is called  Searching for Beauty: The Life of Millicent Rogers.  It's written by Cherie Burns, who is a Taoseño (or Taoseña) herself.  I don't know if there are other biographies on Rogers on the market - Burns never cites another - and anyway it seems she did an exhaustive job with the research and interviews.   But biography is a tricky, elusive thing.  Often what one is reading, I think, is a record not just of its subject but also its writer's engagement with that subject (or, more likely, about the writers engagement with primary and secondary source material on the subject), and really one is never getting the full, curiosity-quenching story - and definitely not one unadulterated with the subjectivity of the biographer, to whatever degree that may be. So perhaps this is a long way to go about saying that I had mixed reviews for the biography - or possibly my now expanded perspective on the subject - but either way, if you want to be really known after your death then please, please, please take the time to pen your own autobiography before you die.  Admirers and detractors alike will certainly respect you all the more for it. And also, like Vreeland, at the end you can casually add that you just dropped a bunch of lies into your narrative and leave posterity guessing...

After reading Searching for Beauty, I can say that - like most people - Millicent Rogers didn't become truly interesting until her late thirties and beyond.  Or maybe this hints to a more deft or reverential treatment of Rogers' New Mexico years at Burns' hand.  In fact, in the first hundred pages, I found myself wondering if I'd made a mistake in giving my admiration to someone who was actually coming off somewhat inane.  Reading that Millicent, when informed her account was running low, expressed disbelief on the basis of still having plenty of checks left in her checkbook - well, it didn't exactly do much for her image.  But the girl was, for most of her life, unfathomably rich and I suppose cluelessness about money management often comes with the territory.

Much of Rogers' character - the interesting parts, anyway - was shaped by a childhood episode of rheumatic fever, her prolonged convalescence, and the consequent heart problems that would follow her for the rest of her life.  She was originally not expected to live past ten. She was often bedridden  and  unable to fully join in the society (and physicality) of other children,  and so she found her world in art and books - and in the process fostered a curiosity that would continue throughout her life.  And because her health prevented her from pursuing the outdoorsy, horsy outlets typical to most society girls of her generation, Millicent also took early to dressing as a means of self-expression and visibility -  again cultivating something that would stay with her throughout her life: an acute sense of style that (plus an awful lot of money) put her in magazines and on best-dressed lists.

Rogers was a collector: art, clothes, and also men.  She married or took as lovers a series of generally tall, dark, and handsome men, most all of whom offered an intelligence that could engage and entertain her.  The roster included the penniless but titled Austrian Count Ludwig Salm von Hoogstraten, the Argentine playboy Arturo Peralta-Ramos, the writers (before they wrote, actually) Ian Fleming and Roald Dahl, and the film star Clark Gable.  She lived the expatriate life overseas until Hitler came to power, and then she set up house in a colonial estate in the Virginia Tidewater.  Fleming introduced her to Jamaica, and Hollywood friends in Jamaica turned her on to Los Angeles.  Finally it was after the break up with Gable that friends brought her on a getaway to New Mexico.

Either Rogers' life becomes the most interesting, or Burns' telling of it becomes the most compelling, once she gets to New Mexico.  There she is introduced to the rugged, stunning landscapes of the state by the Hollywood couturier Gilbert Adrian and his wife, the actress Janet Gaynor.  And if you've ever been to Taos you'll know it is not difficult to see how she became enchanted: the little adobe town sits in a gorgeous valley ringed by mountains and is really a bit like finding the Shangri-La of Lost Horizon.  The sun somehow seems closer and it gently caresses your face; that and the thinned oxygen of the heightened altitude conspire to lull visitors into a sublime feeling of relaxed wellbeing.  And the culture to be found is a tripartite cross of the indigenous Pueblo Indian, the Spanish colonial, and the later Anglo - a fascinating and highly picturesque mix that is the pretty much the norm throughout the northern part of the state. 

Rogers very abruptly fell in love with the place and bought an old adobe there which she proceeded to expand and fill, over the years, with her growing collection of Indian and Spanish Colonial arts and crafts.  She took to Indian style dressing but, in heiress fashion, would purchase items like squaw skirts and send them off for a deluxe remake by her main couturier Charles James.  The velvet blouses traditionally favored by the Navajo women were recreated for her in fine French velvet.  Rogers collected the bold silver and turquoise jewelry, and her own designs took on inspiration from the cross-cultural and bohemian milieu in which she'd enveloped herself.  She is credited with introducing "Southwestern" dressing to the mainstream consciousness, and the mix of the couture with the indigenous that she forged was soon picked-up upon by Diana Vreeland and other midcentury tastemakers.

Rogers became enthralled with Indian culture, and her natural openness, curiosity and very gracious manners eventually gained her acceptance and entree onto the Taos Indian - or Tiwa - pueblo, where she regularly attended dances.  Indians in her employ also secured her access to dances held in neighboring reservations, which she avidly attended.  Millicent was hungry to experience it all; as Burns writes of the recollections of Millicent's son Arturo (one of two she had with Peralta-Ramos) on one expedition:

Arturo was along on some of his mother's camping trips into Indian country and he remembers one outing with her, Brett, Tony Reyna, Trinidad Archuleta, Tony Luhan, and Benny Sauzo into the Apache lands around the Jicarilla Apache lakes. On that trip, he recalls, Millicent wanted to try peyote, the Indian hallucinogen. She vomited it up on the first go and tried it again. She threw up again, but she was determined to experience its effect. The third time she managed to ingest it. In her Navajo costume she was invited to dance with the Apache Indian women and continued to dance until she sank to the ground with exhaustion and had to go to bed. The next morning her fellow travelers waited for her to revive, a bit later than usual, and get started on the day.

Once I had the pleasure of driving through the Jicarilla Apache reservation en route to visit the Ansazi - or as is increasingly correct to say, Ancestral Puebloan - ruins around Farmington: it's gorgeous, exhilarating country, where nature is large.  I loved it then and I think I would have loved it even more knowing that somewhere on my route I was passing the historic site of an internationally known heiress and style icon tripping on peyote and dancing herself into a spent heap of who-knows-what kind of feathered couture costume.  Well, New Mexico is called The Land of Enchantment, and it really is one of the few states around that really lives up to its motto...

Millicent became increasingly involved with Indian dancing, and her engagement with Indian spirituality deepened during the course of her years in Taos.  It is in these final years, and the final chapters of Burns' biography that Rogers really seems to come alive.  In this paragraph - yes, inordinately long but so compelling - Burns quotes Dorothy Brett, the English painter, writer, and aristocrat who'd originally emigrated to Taos in the company of D.H. Lawrence and wife and later became Millicent's friend:

After the Horse Lake trip, winter began to close in on mountainous Taos with its quick storms, early snows, and sudden drops in temperature, yet Millicent continued to give open-air Indian dances on the mesa behind her house.  They seemed to transport her, almost like a drug.  She couldn't get enough.  If a thunderstorm came up, the party would be transferred to Brett's studio on the north end of town.  Millicent would bring the food in tubs, along with whiskey, and wine, beer, and colas and fruit juices for the Indians.  Arranged around Brett's studio on cushions and chairs the guests watched the Indians dance, hypnotized by their own singing.  Brett, eloquent in her own right, described the scene: "All the guests have arranged themselves around my messy gay studio.  The brightly colored Indian paintings hand high up on  the walls.  Saws and hammers and all the paraphernalia of a work bench are pushed aside and people perch on the narrow table.  In the bedroom the drum is beating softly.  There is an occasional jingle of bells, as one of the Indians, ready dressed, begins to dance.  We all sit and wait patiently.  Millicent moves around, disappears into my box of a kitchen, and returns, with glasses of cocktails.  The guests who have already eaten her picnic on the mesa before the rain nibble cookies and sip their drinks.  At last, impatient, Millicent taps on the bedroom door.  It opens a crack. 'We are ready now,' and in a few minutes the door opens and the blanketed singers come out and arrange themselves under the archway from the studio to the sun room and begin to beat the drums.  The bedroom door re-opens.  Out of it comes the line of feathered dancers.  Slowly, gently, they dance into the room and become a circle of waving feathers, jangling bells.  Some of the dancers have brought their little sons and the little boys dance earnestly.  One of them, a very gay little four year old called Hermann, dances with such fervour and joy that his sunny gay character pervades everyone.  As the evening goes on, the wine and beer provided for the Indians stimulates their dancing.  They begin, as usual, to get caught up in the mesmerism of the drum and voices of the singers.  Millicent sits on a low stool, quiet, absorbed as usual, her whole heart and soul hypnotized by the tremendous power of the song and the endless powerful beating of the drums.    During the rests, she gets up to minister food and drink to all the guests, to the Indian guests, the singers, and to her own household, who have also come to the dance.  She is untiring in her hospitality.  Then at about midnight the dancers are tired.  They bring the drum into the center of the room and the circle dance begins.  This is a dance of friendship, and we can all take part in it.  One of the dancers goes up to Millicent, takes her by the arm, and she dances slowly around with the rest of us.  Between two feathered Indians she dances the curious half walk, half dance step round and round.  Fatigue overtakes most of us.  The circle dwindles and dwindles.  The dancers return to the bedroom, take off their dancing clothes.  To return to the circle, and round it goes.  At last we all tire, the guests have been gradually slipping away, finally the Indians look at their tired sleepy children and decide to go, too.  Everybody goes...I fall into bed with the drum still beating in my head.'  When she wakes the next morning, the drum is still thudding in her head.

Millicent Rogers died early, at the age of fifty in 1953.  The damage from the rheumatic fever she'd suffered in childhood finally caught up with her.  She was buried in Taos, her funeral well attended by both international society and Indians from the local Pueblo. 

Burns biography Searching for Beauty: The Life of Millicent Rogers is available from St. Martin's Press.  As I have said - perhaps too much, and I suppose it indicates a not entirely ringing endorsement - the most captivating parts of the book are those centering around Rogers' life in Taos.  Again, though, I am unsure if this lopsidedness is that of a life or its reportage or perhaps my own adoration of New Mexico.  Plenty of bloggers seem to be all thumbs-up, so perhaps you should read it yourself and see.  My final word on the book, though: a narrative about someone so legendarily stylish and, well, visual - someone with so many aesthetically distinctive episodes throughout life - I think both necessitates and deserves many, many more photographs than are published in the book.

- a.t.s.

 

 

 

On the painter & showman George Catlin, documentarist of the now quite lost 19th century Native America, & appended with a small gallery of the artist's work...

So, if you've followed along thus far then you know too well that I've been reading an abridged edition of The Journals of Lewis and Clark; and it has proved very satisfactory to present here many of the interesting details recorded within its pages.  Of course this is often accompanied by much of my sometimes lighthearted, sometimes very earnest commentary, and so I mean this very much in the latter sense when I add that I hope you enjoy it all as much as I do...

One thing I find especially compelling about the journals is that they open an incredible window into a world that no longer exists, but once truly did; a world then as now quite alien.  In penning and posting these essays, I find myself turning again and again to the paintings of George Catlin for their illustration.  He's a natural (and I think equally fascinating) choice for the task:  like Lewis and Clark, his work is also primarily documentary in nature and it, too, offers a glimpse into a world that has long since disappeared.  And furthermore it was Catlin's prescient sense of its impermanence that spurred the artist to document Native America in what has become one of our most exceptional, expansive bodies of American painting.

Catlin's work is particularly apropos to the endeavors of Lewis and Clark since so much of it was painted not too long after the expedition's original journey, the documentation produced by the two parties often overlaps the same tribal cultures, and Catlin himself even accompanied the later-career William Clark in a diplomatic mission up the Mississippi river in 1830.  I think he's apropos to Amicus Curiositatis, too - specifically because he was not just a painter but also played the roles of collector, curator, and showman; Coupling his paintings with an equally impressive array of indigenous artifacts (and even live indigenous peoples themselves), he created a sort of traveling cabinet of curiosities that toured the United States and continued to even greater reception in Europe.   George Catlin was, in fact, himself an amicus curiositatis, and an amicus rerum mirabilium to boot...

Portrait of No-ho-mun-ya, or "One Who Gives No Attention" -  Iowa tribe, 1844
From the collection of the Smithsonian American Art Museum

No-ho-mun-ya accompanied Catlin to Europe and died in Liverpool before the exhibition departed for Paris.

So then you see, I think he's a good match all around - as both illustrator and subject as well.  And as I wind down the meditations on Lewis and Clark,  I want to share more of his terrific paintings and think, too, that a short biography of the painter is in order:

George Catlin was born in Pennsylvania in 1796, where his interest in Native Americana was piqued in childhood from, among other things, listening to his mother's tales of her own frontier childhood and capture by Indians.   Later Catlin studied law and apparently never actually received much formal art training; but at some point in his early adulthood he was struck with a sense of the impermanence of the Native American - as they looked and lived and were then, which is to say their existence as an unaffected, autonomous culture - and in a stunningly life-changing move, he left law and headed to the western frontier.  

Catlin took it upon himself to document the appearance, style, and presence of the Native American.  In 1830 he accompanied Clark up the Mississippi and soon after made then-frontiersy St. Louis his base for subsequent artistic expeditions along the rivers and into the lands of numerous indigenous tribes - including many that we encounter in the Lewis & Clark journals, such as the Mandan, the Hidatsa, the Blackfeet, and so forth.  The result of his artistic output during the 1830s was a stunning collection of six hundred plus paintings that read today like bright Polaroids of a past mostly gone to shadow.

George Catlin not only collected painted imagery but also the artifacts and handicrafts of the Native American tribal civilizations among whom he traveled and worked.  In the 1840s, he amassed together both paintings and artifacts and took his "Indian Gallery" back east.  The exhibition was supplemented with Catlin's own lectures and even the presence of actual Native Americans themselves.  It is often noted that the paintings were hung in salon style, which is to say the walls were fairly paved with canvases - hung closely next to one another, above one another, and so forth.  Definitely a far cry from the style of today, where museums bewilderingly seem to pride themselves on how little of their collection is actually on display.

"Ah-móu-a, The Whale, One of Kee-o-kúk's Principal Braves" Sac and Fox tribe, 1835
From the collection of the Smithsonian American Art Museum

Catlin's Indian Gallery never proved as profitable as he had hoped.  Eventually he packed up the collection - live Indians and all - and headed for a tour of Europe, where by default appetites for the curiosities of  Native America were significantly less-sated.  The poet Charles Baudelaire wrote upon seeing the exhibition in Paris: "M. Catlin has captured the proud, free character and noble expression of these splendid fellows in a masterly way......"   Though I think it should also be noted that at this time, in the interest of further enhancing the expensive-to-maintain production, Catlin took to dressing Caucasians in American Indian costume and presented them in various tableau vivant-style vignettes.  So really, I'm not sure that anyone today (or then) is exactly sure what they hell they were looking at, in Paris, in the 1840s.  But pretty exotic entertainment in a world before television and internet, one has to admit!

Financial troubles persisted, and though he had tried consistently but unsuccessfully to sell his collection en masse to the United States government, eventually Catlin was forced to sell his 607 paintings to private hands.  They were purchased in 1852 by the wealthy industrialist Joseph Harrison, who unfortunately kept them not on public display but stored away in a factory.  However, the collection remained more or less in tact.

Besides this initial body of work from the 1830's, Catlin produced other collections, such as an extensive series of engravings for the 1841 publication of his Manners, Customs, and Condition of the North American Indians, as well as two other subsequent publications.  Additionally there is also what is known as his "cartoon collection": produced after relinquishing the initial bulk of paintings to Harrison, Catlin set out to recreate them - working not from life as with the originals but from preparatory sketches and outlines done for his work in the 1830s.  Today the nearly complete collection of original paintings is held by the Smithsonian American Art Museum, and the American Museum of Natural History in New York also holds 700 of Catlin's sketches.  His work is in the collections of several other museums and enjoyed by many.  As the website for Gilrcrease Museum - home to an extensive American Indian and Western art collection in Tulsa, Oklahoma, notes:  "Indians loved him.  Catlin's authentic portraits and depictions of the natives' culture and lifestyle are enlightening and fun..."



"Comanche Village, Women Dressing Robes and Drying Meat" 1834–35

From the collection of the Smithsonian American Art Museum

So really, I think there is something rather inspiring about this individual.  He left behind what would have undoubtedly have been a very comfortable, conventional career in law and struck out - talented but basically untrained - into what was otherwise an unknown, unprescribed life.  And much of it was lived beyond the borders of what was then considered civilized.  He had an idea and an urge - to see and to capture -and in following those inner impulses throughout his life, he had by his death in 1872 created what was to become a stellar and essentially priceless assemblage of historical and ethnographic knowledge, much beloved and relied upon by many generations since. (Wow!) And you know, through both prosperous times and difficult, he made the most of what he had to work with and, from what I can see, stayed on the path: stayed true to himself and his vision.  So there is probably something we all can learn from this George Catlin.

- a.t.s.

 So, all of that said, let's look at some paintings...

"Wash-ka-mon-ya, Fast Dancer, a Warrior"  Iowa tribe, 1843
From the collection of the Smithsonian American Art Museum.

"Náh-se-ús-kuk, Whirling Thunder, Eldest Son of Black Hawk"  Sac and Fox tribe, 1832
From the collection of the Smithsonian American Art Museum.

 

"Bird's-eye View of the Mandan Village, 1800 Miles above St. Louis" Mandan/Numakiki tribe,  1837–39
From the collection of the Smithsonian American Art Museum.

It is interesting to note that the Lewis & Clark expedition spent its first winter camped among the Mandans who lived (or at least wintered) on the Missouri river.  I imagine their architecture wouldn't have changed much in the following 30 or so years, so it's a fair assumption to say this is what the explorers themselves saw daily.

"Back View of Mandan Village, Showing the Cemetery"  Mandan/Numakiki tribe, 1832
From the collection of the Smithsonian American Art Museum.

The Mandan did not bury their dead but left the bodies to decompose on raised scaffolding.  Once they are clean and sun-bleached, the skulls were arranged in large, geometric circles.

Eeh-nís-kim, Crystal Stone, Wife of the Chief,  Blackfoot/Kainai tribe 1832
From the collection of the Smithsonian American Art Museum.

When Lewis & Clark passed back through in 1806 other tribes had warned them that the Blackfeet were the terror of the neighborhood, and indeed their passage was not without incident.  Looks like they chilled out a little in the interim.  Although I have never been a big fan of the name Crystal, I can handle it on her.

 "Buffalo Bulls Fighting in Running Season, Upper Missouri" 1837–39
From the collection of the Smithsonian American Art Museum.

Apparently during this season literally thousands of buffalo congregated together.  The buffalo are today an occasional, ornamental novelty and this land is probably an under-occupied subdivision thrown up during the housing bubble...

 

"The White Cloud, Head Chief of the Iowas"  1844-45

 From the National Gallery of Art, Paul Mellon Collection.

This Catlin portrait was made into a postage stamp in 1998.

"Bull Dance, Mandan O-kee-pa Ceremony"  Mandan/Numakiki tribe,1832
From the collection of the Smithsonian American Art Museum.

"La-dóo-ke-a, Buffalo Bull, a Grand Pawnee Warrior"  Pawnee tribe, 1832
From the collection of the Smithsonian American Art Museum.

"Wi-jún-jon, Pigeon's Egg Head (The Light), Going to and Returning from Washington" 

Assiniboine/Nakoda tribe, 1837-39

From the collection of the Smithsonian American Art Museum.

Going, going....  Wi-jún-jon went to meet then President Andrew Jackson and spent 18 months in the United States.  Upon his return home he was filled with, writes the Smithsonian and quoting Catlin, "astonishing accounts of the white man’s cities. They eventually rejected his stories as 'ingenious fabrication of novelty and wonder,' and his persistence in telling such 'lies' eventually led to his murder."   Poor Wi-jún-jon didn't fare too well either in this portrait.

"Cú-sick, Son of the Chief"  Tuscarora tribe, circa 1837–39
From the collection of the Smithsonian American Art Museum.

...and Gone.  Cú-sick has been educated in the U.S. and is now both a Baptist preacher and, according to Catlin, "a very eloquent speaker."

(I am indebted to the Smithsonian American Art Museum for the better part of these images.  To further explore their much more extensive collection, and I highly recommend it, check out  "Campfire Stories with George Catlin : Encounters of Two Cultures" .  Additionally, Wikipedia was consulted in the construction of this essay.)

Omnivore's Delight; Or, A short history of dog eating in North America...

It occurs to me that we Americans, when presented with the idea of eating a dog, tend reflexively to call to our minds certain Asian cultures where the practice is decidedly not as taboo as it is here in the States.  Usually it's the Koreans that take the spotlight, but the Vietnamese and Chinese are certainly known to sup on the pup as well.  Maybe it was the television series M.A.S.H. - which was set in Korea - that helped cement the idea in the minds of a generation: to this day I still remember the folksy Colonel Potter and his pithy reference to the rover ragoût of the locals.  So, for whatever cause, Asia today has the preeminent reputation for its consumption, but it might surprise you to know that North America used to be quite the epicenter of dog eating as well, and especially who was eating it...

I first came into knowledge of an American form of the practice upon reading of Hernán Cortés' dramatic conquest of Aztec Mexico in 1521.  Apparently the Aztecs (and their many surrounding, subjugated vassals) had two primary, domesticated sources of meat: turkeys and dogs - especially a small, plump breed of dog comparable to a Chihuahua and called itzcuintlis.  It's important to note that prior to the arrival of the European, the Americas were completely void of  all those types of meat so well furnished at the grocers of today.  There were no cows, no pigs, no sheep, no chickens - all of that was introduced by the Europeans, and, inadvertently, with them the devastating poxes that these animals naturally carried and against which the unexposed native populations had little to no immunity.  Otherwise, there was also game to be hunted, such as deer and duck and whatnot, but as far as animals whose temperaments actually lent themselves to feasible domestication, it was just the turkey and the dog.  Today in Mexico the turkey is still known as guajalote. or to anglicize the pronunciation wa-ha-lo-tay, which is not Spanish but actually is derived from the old Nahautl tongue.

From a Diego Rivera mural of the Tlatelolco animal market in the Palacio Nacional, Mexico City.
Note the deer, fish, iguana, frogs, and succulent little dog.

It's also interesting to note that horses were not a part of the pre-Columbian American landscape, either.  They, too, arrived with the Spanish, and their absence and is often cited as a determining factor in why the wheel was never fully exploited by the indigenous civilizations of the Americas - since really, even if they did have a wheel, there weren't any animals to pull it anywhere.   The Incas, however, did successfully utilize the llama as a pack animals, which is small-hoofed and agile on the uneven, stepped roads that wind throughout the Andes where horses would have been practically worthless.   Otherwise if you wanted something hauled somewhere in the Americas, you pretty much had to haul it there yourself.


Speaking of hauling things yourself - and returning now to the ongoing subject of the Journals of Lewis and Clark - one really has to wonder how the two explorers and their extended party arranged to keep themselves fed over the course of a two year journey.  Their plan, as it turned out, was two-fold: to hunt and to trade, and the expedition packed quite heavily with guns and ammunition for the former and Indian-popular trade goods for the latter.  And as such the group set out into the great unknown, laden with these initial supplies and - what particularly thrills and/or gives me anxiety at the thought of - basically in loose reliance on whatever the landscape, the natives, and fate would furnish for them.  And let me tell you this: they ate it ALL...

When Lewis' and Clark's Corps of Discovery first started off the living was good.  The plains fairly teemed with rich and tasty beasts like buffalo - not too far a cry from beef, really - and the caravan was well-stocked with flour, salt, and spices for its artful preparation for table. They also brought a supply of booze to wash it all down with.  But as the landscape changed, so did the travelers' diet, and I soon learned that the expedition basically ate whatever they could get their hands on - which most often was whatever was convenient to kill.  Sacagawea was adept at foraging for native plants and roots to supplement their diet, but their mainstay staple consisted of the fresh kill, and with minimal discrimination at that.  Once the group had passed the great herds of buffalo, there was still venison to be found.  When they started to cross through territory particularly infested with very aggressive Grizzly bears, guess what they started eating.  I have no idea how that must have taste, but for once I'm guessing it wasn't like chicken.

The landscape east of the Rockies was bountiful and meaty, but when the expedition started across the difficult mountainscapes, its offerings changed.  There was still the occasional deer to be had, but in scarcer measure.  At times there was absolutely nothing for days, and the expedition, who had procured pack horses from the Shoshone after leaving behind the rivers, began to rely on horse meat as their main food source.  And once they got west of the Rockies, things really changed for them remarkably...

Salmon was a great mainstay for both the economy and the table of the Pacific Northwest Indians, among whom Lewis and Clark traveled.  Indigenous "flathead" tribes occupied the river banks where the fish swam in great plenitude, though seasonally, and the natives had a means of beating and preserving the salmon into a form that could be used for trade with other tribes for other commodities.  Besides salmon, their diet also included the smaller, smelt-like euchalon, or candlefish (that I wrote of in the earlier post Another horrible idea in home decorating), as well as foragable plants and roots, such as the quamash, from which they made a sort of bread.  This fare is what the expedition now began to eat, and the abrupt change from an almost entirely meat-based diet to one of fish and starches was acutely upsetting to their digestive systems; there was lots of illness reported as a (not necessarily immediately recognized) consequence. 

Flathead Chinook with the mighty salmon, from George Catlin, 1861.  Note the baby on her back, with its little head tucked into the flattening device...

The preserved fish was often an iffy proposition to the travelers, and some horse meat dining continued.  But another type of animal would soon enter their culinary repertoire: the dog.  Writes William Clark during his stay among the Choppunish - or Nez Perces - dated October 10th, 1805:

a miss understanding took place between Sharbono one of our interpreters and Jo & R Fields which appears to have originated in just [jest].  our diet extremely bad haveing nothing but roots and dried fish to eate,    all the Party have greatly the advantage of me, in as much as they all relish the flesh of dogs, Several of which we purchased of the nativs for to add to our store of fish and roots &c. &c.

And though Clark personally is no fan of dog meat, it becomes quite popular among the rest of the expedition.   And anyway, as we see from his entry on October 18, 1805, sometimes it really was the best one could do, especially when one's trading partners didn't have the most consistent integrity: 

The fish being very bad those which was offerd to us we had every reason to believe was taken up on the shore dead we thought proper not to purchase any,   we purchased forty dogs for which we gave articles of little value, such as beeds, bells & thimbles, of which they appeared very fond,    at 4 oClock we set out down the Great Columbia accompanied by our two old Chiefs,  one young man wished to accompany us, but we had no room for more & he could be of no service to us.

Well, William Clark may not care for the dog meat, but Meriwether Lewis and the rest of the gang can't seem to get enough of the stuff, as one can readily read in his journal entry from April 13, 1806:

I also purchased four paddles and three dogs from them with deerskins. the dog now constitutes a considerable part of our subsistence and with most of the party has become a favorite food; certain I am that it is a healthy strong diet, and from habit it has become by no means disagreeable to me, I prefer it to lean venison or Elk, and it is very superior to the horse in any state.

Buffet?  George Stubbs' Bay Horse and White Dog, circa early 1800s.  (Really, though there is a plethora of images of dog meat online - usually served Asian-style - I really must allow us to use our imaginations for at least the purpose of this post...)

As the expedition made its way westward and into winter, their diet eventually expanded to include regionally available game such as Elk, though the salmon on which so much of the region harvested disappeared from the rivers until springtime.  The group made their winter camp close to the Pacific coast - at Fort Clatsop, so named for the Indians living nearby.   And although they had succeeded in achieving their lofty goal of making it to the ocean, the road home was now too treacherous and a return journey would not be feasible until the mountain snows melted.

As the party built their fort close to the Pacific, they hoped that their stay would coincide with a visit from a trading ship so they might replenish their stock of supplies.  Thomas Jefferson had furnished them with letters of credit expressly for this opportunity, though some historians have questioned why he didn't send a U.S. ship himself to meet the party.  Unfortunately a ship never stopped during their stay and they were obliged to make do.  They were long out of liquor, and the otherwise sparseness of the larder, coupled with the excessive rains of the Pacific Northwest, made for a holiday season far less merry than hoped.  Writes Clark on their Christmas dinner of 1805:

we would have Spent this day the nativity of Christ in feasting, had we any thing either to raise our Sperits or even gratify our appetites, our Dinner concisted of pore Elk, so much Spoiled that we eate it thro' mear necessity, Some Spoiled pounded fish and a fiew roots. 

And no horse meat was available to supplement their dinner, either.  Having traversed the Rockies and again been able to return to river travel, all the horses had been left in the care of a local tribe pending the expedition's return on their journey home to the east.  I get pissy when we don't have the right kind of Christmas ham - I can only imagine how spoiled elk must have gone over...

But bleak as Christmas dinner was, Lewis' and Clark's culinary fortunes were about to change again with the introduction of a new delicacy: whale blubber.  Clark records the introduction of the blubber in his journal entry of January 3, 1806 ( and also takes a moment to note that his comrades' fondness for eating dog continues into the new year unabated):

At 11 A. M. we were visited by our near neighbour Chief or tid Co mo wool ... and six Clatsops.   they brought for Sale Some roots berries and 3 Dogs also a Small quantity of fresh blubber.   this blubber they informed us they had obtained from their neighbours the Cal la mox who inhabit the coast to the S.E.  near one of their Villages a Whale had recently perished.  this blubber the Indians eat and esteem it excellent food.  our party from necessity have been obliged to Subsist some length of time on dogs have now become extremely fond of their flesh; it is worthey of remark that while we lived principally on the flesh of this animal we were much more healthy strong and more fleshey then we have been Sence we left the Buffalow Country.  as for my own part I have not become reconsiled to the taste of this animal as yet.

Although their winter at Fort Clatsop afforded neither bounty nor luxury in terms of diet - and indeed, as we have seen from my previous essay, a greater part of the expedition did succeed in contracting venereal disease from the indigenous population, the most salient features of whom were their artificially flattened heads and odd tattoos  -  Lewis' and Clark's time by the sea did afford them a welcome opportunity to restore their salt supply.  And really, if you thought eating dog stew sucked, try the low-salt version of it.

Meriwether Lewis - always the more prolific and lyrical writer on the duo - takes a moment in the sedentary winter to reflect upon their diet in this extended passage dated January 5, 1806, including the nature of whale blubber and how it stacks up against in a taste comparison against dog meat.  He also addressed the party's want of salt, want of bread, and ultimately on his own increasingly omnivorous disregard for the species of his dinner:

At 5 P.M. Willard and Wiser returned,   they had not been lost as we apprehended.  they informed us that it was not until the fifth day after leaving the Fort that they could find a convenient place for making salt;  that they had at length established themselves on the coast about 15 Miles S.W. from this, near the lodge of some Killamuck families; that the Indians were very friendly and had given them a considerable quantity of the blubber of a whale which perished on the coast some distance S.E. of them; part of this blubber they brought with them, it was white & not unlike the fat of Poork, tho' the texture was more spongey and somewhat coarser.  I had a part of it cooked and found it very pallitable and tender,  it resembled the beaver or the dog in flavor.  it may appear somewhat extraordinary tho' it is a fact that the flesh of the beaver and dog possess a very great affinity in point of flavour.

These lads also informed us that J. Fields, Bratten and Gibson (the Salt Makers) had with their assistance erected a comfortable camp killed an Elk and several deer and secured a good stock of meat;  they commenced the making of salt and found that they could obtain from 3 quarts to a gallon a day; they brought with them a specemine of the salt of about a gallon, we found it excellent, fine, strong, & white;  this was a great treat to myself and most of the party, having not had any since the 20th Ultmo.; I say most of the party, for my friend Capt. Clark declares it to be a mear matter of indifference with him whether he uses it or not;  for myself I must confess I felt a considerable inconvenience from the want of it; the want of bread I consider as trivial provided, I get fat meat, for as the species of meat I am not very particular, the flesh of the dog the horse the wolf, having from habit become equally fomiliar with any other, and I have learned to think that if the chord be sufficiently strong, which binds the soul and boddy together, it does not so much matter about the materials which compose it.  Capt. Clark determined this evening to set out early tomorrow with two canoes and 12 men in quest of the whale, or at all events to purchase from the Indians a parcel of the blubber,   for this purpose he prepared a small assortment of merchandize to take with him.

Interesting or what?  So apparently dog does not taste like chicken.  It tastes like beaver.  I wonder how that stacks up against bear?

Well, here I will take a moment to clarify that it would be quite faulty to assume that every American Indian tribe was eating dog regularly.  The reality is that many found the practice just as taboo as you and I.  Another reality is that plenty of other, unexpected cultures (and here I am talking Switzerland, for starters) have also had their episodes with the canine cuisine, as a visit to Wikipedia will reveal. A lot of what the human diet comes down to is availability and convenience - and that, as I learned in an Intro to Sociology or Anthropology or Something-ology class many years ago - it has been shown that universally human communities exploit the foodstuffs that offer the highest nutrient and calorie yield to the lowest amount of effort required in its harvest.  It brings to mind very literally the expression, the juice ain't worth the squeeze.  This is to say that we are surrounded with the edible-yet-inconvenient and of such do not bother to partake.  Maybe it's also to say that sometimes dogs taste better than berries, unless there's a fat, juicy buffalo out back...

Apparently as the expedition made its way homeward with its newly adopted appetite for the dog, some of the tribes they encountered - while often accommodating in the commercial sense -were not entirely impressed in the cultural sense.  Write Clark on May 5th, 1806:

while at dinner an indian fellow very impertinently threw a half starved puppy into the plate of Capt. Lewis by way of derision for our eating dogs and laughed very hartily at his own impertinence;  Capt. L. -- was so provoked at the insolence that he cought the puppy and threw it with great violence at him and struck him in the breast and face, seazed his tomahawk, and shewed him by sign that if he repeated his insolence that he would tomahawk him,  the fellow withdrew apparently mortified and we continued our Dinner without further molestation.

Well, apparently the expedition itself wasn't entirely impressed with their new custom, either.  Given the calibre of Lewis' reaction and overall humorlessness in the matter, clearly the Indian man's ribbing touched an unexpectedly and acutely raw nerve.  I am guessing all members of the party quit the habit upon their return to "civilization" back east.

Meanwhile in 1805: Portrait of an Extraordinary Musical Dog by Philip Reinagle - from the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts collection

On an amusing closing note I'll say that as I sat one afternoon in my usual coffeehouse (engrossed with this draft on my laptop), I hardly noticed a man shuffling from table to table with a little Pit-Lab mix in his hands.  Not, anyway, until he thrust the dog in my face and bluntly offered: "Puppy?"  I confess I really had to do a double-take before I realized he was trying to find the dog a new home.  Otherwise I found myself on the verge of polite excuse: "Oh no, thanks. I had a heavy lunch..."

- a.t.s