Showing posts with label clothing and fashion. Show all posts
Showing posts with label clothing and fashion. Show all posts

January 24, 2012

In praise of socialites on peyote; or, the days & nights of the very rich and very curious Millicent Rogers...

 



So like a lot of gay men, I too have my Lady style icons.  And here I capitalize Lady to differ-entiate that sort of rarefied and celebrated creature that exists, sadly, on a plane far above you and me.  But I've never been one of those so-into-Judy or Liza or Marilyn types of guys; I'm just not that into tragedy.   Elizabeth Taylor is my idea of Hollywood glamour - and resilience, too.  But you know, it isn't the luminaries of stage and screen so much as a handful of bright and astoundingly stylish 20th century gals that I'm keen on: Diana Vreeland, the former editor of Vogue, penned one of the most electric autobiographies around (a quote from which I currently use above in the masthead of Amicus Curiositatis).  Pauline Potter de Rothschild went, mostly by means of intelligence and style, from a broken home and rocky childhood to create a startlingly exquisite world as chatelaine of the Mouton Rothschild estate.  And then there is Millicent Rogers...

Maybe it's because I'm partial to both New Mexico and stylish, independent-minded people, but I've always rather admired Millicent Rogers, the Standard Oil heiress and (yes, somewhat dilettante) artisan, who ended up - after a glamorous and highly episodic life - settling in Taos.  There she is memorialized in the eponymously named museum that houses the considerable collection of Native American and Spanish Colonial art, pottery, and jewelry amassed during her final years there.  I think today she's best known to fashion designers and editors - as a posthumous muse of sorts - and really what we know of her is mostly just a name attached to her often pioneeringly stylish image.  That's actually not necessarily such a bad place to be, since it leaves admirers either wanting more or free to fill in the blanks (or project) for themselves.  Of course being of the former camp myself, when I saw that a new biography about Rogers had come out I immediately bought it, completely disregarding the size and intended sequence of my growing to-read stack and otherwise superseding a book on Thomas Jefferson and Natural History.  I wanted to know more about the stark-looking lady behind the terrific clothes - and I'll also say that after a long literary romp with Lewis and Clark, I was ready to return to civilization...

The book is called  Searching for Beauty: The Life of Millicent Rogers.  It's written by Cherie Burns, who is a Taoseño (or Taoseña) herself.  I don't know if there are other biographies on Rogers on the market - Burns never cites another - and anyway it seems she did an exhaustive job with the research and interviews.   But biography is a tricky, elusive thing.  Often what one is reading, I think, is a record not just of its subject but also its writer's engagement with that subject (or, more likely, about the writers engagement with primary and secondary source material on the subject), and really one is never getting the full, curiosity-quenching story - and definitely not one unadulterated with the subjectivity of the biographer, to whatever degree that may be. So perhaps this is a long way to go about saying that I had mixed reviews for the biography - or possibly my now expanded perspective on the subject - but either way, if you want to be really known after your death then please, please, please take the time to pen your own autobiography before you die.  Admirers and detractors alike will certainly respect you all the more for it. And also, like Vreeland, at the end you can casually add that you just dropped a bunch of lies into your narrative and leave posterity guessing...

After reading Searching for Beauty, I can say that - like most people - Millicent Rogers didn't become truly interesting until her late thirties and beyond.  Or maybe this hints to a more deft or reverential treatment of Rogers' New Mexico years at Burns' hand.  In fact, in the first hundred pages, I found myself wondering if I'd made a mistake in giving my admiration to someone who was actually coming off somewhat inane.  Reading that Millicent, when informed her account was running low, expressed disbelief on the basis of still having plenty of checks left in her checkbook - well, it didn't exactly do much for her image.  But the girl was, for most of her life, unfathomably rich and I suppose cluelessness about money management often comes with the territory.

Much of Rogers' character - the interesting parts, anyway - was shaped by a childhood episode of rheumatic fever, her prolonged convalescence, and the consequent heart problems that would follow her for the rest of her life.  She was originally not expected to live past ten. She was often bedridden  and  unable to fully join in the society (and physicality) of other children,  and so she found her world in art and books - and in the process fostered a curiosity that would continue throughout her life.  And because her health prevented her from pursuing the outdoorsy, horsy outlets typical to most society girls of her generation, Millicent also took early to dressing as a means of self-expression and visibility -  again cultivating something that would stay with her throughout her life: an acute sense of style that (plus an awful lot of money) put her in magazines and on best-dressed lists.

Rogers was a collector: art, clothes, and also men.  She married or took as lovers a series of generally tall, dark, and handsome men, most all of whom offered an intelligence that could engage and entertain her.  The roster included the penniless but titled Austrian Count Ludwig Salm von Hoogstraten, the Argentine playboy Arturo Peralta-Ramos, the writers (before they wrote, actually) Ian Fleming and Roald Dahl, and the film star Clark Gable.  She lived the expatriate life overseas until Hitler came to power, and then she set up house in a colonial estate in the Virginia Tidewater.  Fleming introduced her to Jamaica, and Hollywood friends in Jamaica turned her on to Los Angeles.  Finally it was after the break up with Gable that friends brought her on a getaway to New Mexico.

Either Rogers' life becomes the most interesting, or Burns' telling of it becomes the most compelling, once she gets to New Mexico.  There she is introduced to the rugged, stunning landscapes of the state by the Hollywood couturier Gilbert Adrian and his wife, the actress Janet Gaynor.  And if you've ever been to Taos you'll know it is not difficult to see how she became enchanted: the little adobe town sits in a gorgeous valley ringed by mountains and is really a bit like finding the Shangri-La of Lost Horizon.  The sun somehow seems closer and it gently caresses your face; that and the thinned oxygen of the heightened altitude conspire to lull visitors into a sublime feeling of relaxed wellbeing.  And the culture to be found is a tripartite cross of the indigenous Pueblo Indian, the Spanish colonial, and the later Anglo - a fascinating and highly picturesque mix that is the pretty much the norm throughout the northern part of the state. 




Rogers very abruptly fell in love with the place and bought an old adobe there which she proceeded to expand and fill, over the years, with her growing collection of Indian and Spanish Colonial arts and crafts.  She took to Indian style dressing but, in heiress fashion, would purchase items like squaw skirts and send them off for a deluxe remake by her main couturier Charles James.  The velvet blouses traditionally favored by the Navajo women were recreated for her in fine French velvet.  Rogers collected the bold silver and turquoise jewelry, and her own designs took on inspiration from the cross-cultural and bohemian milieu in which she'd enveloped herself.  She is credited with introducing "Southwestern" dressing to the mainstream consciousness, and the mix of the couture with the indigenous that she forged was soon picked-up upon by Diana Vreeland and other midcentury tastemakers.

Rogers became enthralled with Indian culture, and her natural openness, curiosity and very gracious manners eventually gained her acceptance and entree onto the Taos Indian - or Tiwa - pueblo, where she regularly attended dances.  Indians in her employ also secured her access to dances held in neighboring reservations, which she avidly attended.  Millicent was hungry to experience it all; as Burns writes of the recollections of Millicent's son Arturo (one of two she had with Peralta-Ramos) on one expedition:
Arturo was along on some of his mother's camping trips into Indian country and he remembers one outing with her, Brett, Tony Reyna, Trinidad Archuleta, Tony Luhan, and Benny Sauzo into the Apache lands around the Jicarilla Apache lakes. On that trip, he recalls, Millicent wanted to try peyote, the Indian hallucinogen. She vomited it up on the first go and tried it again. She threw up again, but she was determined to experience its effect. The third time she managed to ingest it. In her Navajo costume she was invited to dance with the Apache Indian women and continued to dance until she sank to the ground with exhaustion and had to go to bed. The next morning her fellow travelers waited for her to revive, a bit later than usual, and get started on the day.
Once I had the pleasure of driving through the Jicarilla Apache reservation en route to visit the Ansazi - or as is increasingly correct to say, Ancestral Puebloan - ruins around Farmington: it's gorgeous, exhilarating country, where nature is large.  I loved it then and I think I would have loved it even more knowing that somewhere on my route I was passing the historic site of an internationally known heiress and style icon tripping on peyote and dancing herself into a spent heap of who-knows-what kind of feathered couture costume.  Well, New Mexico is called The Land of Enchantment, and it really is one of the few states around that really lives up to its motto...

Millicent became increasingly involved with Indian dancing, and her engagement with Indian spirituality deepened during the course of her years in Taos.  It is in these final years, and the final chapters of Burns' biography that Rogers really seems to come alive.  In this paragraph - yes, inordinately long but so compelling - Burns quotes Dorothy Brett, the English painter, writer, and aristocrat who'd originally emigrated to Taos in the company of D.H. Lawrence and wife and later became Millicent's friend:
After the Horse Lake trip, winter began to close in on mountainous Taos with its quick storms, early snows, and sudden drops in temperature, yet Millicent continued to give open-air Indian dances on the mesa behind her house.  They seemed to transport her, almost like a drug.  She couldn't get enough.  If a thunderstorm came up, the party would be transferred to Brett's studio on the north end of town.  Millicent would bring the food in tubs, along with whiskey, and wine, beer, and colas and fruit juices for the Indians.  Arranged around Brett's studio on cushions and chairs the guests watched the Indians dance, hypnotized by their own singing.  Brett, eloquent in her own right, described the scene: "All the guests have arranged themselves around my messy gay studio.  The brightly colored Indian paintings hand high up on  the walls.  Saws and hammers and all the paraphernalia of a work bench are pushed aside and people perch on the narrow table.  In the bedroom the drum is beating softly.  There is an occasional jingle of bells, as one of the Indians, ready dressed, begins to dance.  We all sit and wait patiently.  Millicent moves around, disappears into my box of a kitchen, and returns, with glasses of cocktails.  The guests who have already eaten her picnic on the mesa before the rain nibble cookies and sip their drinks.  At last, impatient, Millicent taps on the bedroom door.  It opens a crack. 'We are ready now,' and in a few minutes the door opens and the blanketed singers come out and arrange themselves under the archway from the studio to the sun room and begin to beat the drums.  The bedroom door re-opens.  Out of it comes the line of feathered dancers.  Slowly, gently, they dance into the room and become a circle of waving feathers, jangling bells.  Some of the dancers have brought their little sons and the little boys dance earnestly.  One of them, a very gay little four year old called Hermann, dances with such fervour and joy that his sunny gay character pervades everyone.  As the evening goes on, the wine and beer provided for the Indians stimulates their dancing.  They begin, as usual, to get caught up in the mesmerism of the drum and voices of the singers.  Millicent sits on a low stool, quiet, absorbed as usual, her whole heart and soul hypnotized by the tremendous power of the song and the endless powerful beating of the drums.    During the rests, she gets up to minister food and drink to all the guests, to the Indian guests, the singers, and to her own household, who have also come to the dance.  She is untiring in her hospitality.  Then at about midnight the dancers are tired.  They bring the drum into the center of the room and the circle dance begins.  This is a dance of friendship, and we can all take part in it.  One of the dancers goes up to Millicent, takes her by the arm, and she dances slowly around with the rest of us.  Between two feathered Indians she dances the curious half walk, half dance step round and round.  Fatigue overtakes most of us.  The circle dwindles and dwindles.  The dancers return to the bedroom, take off their dancing clothes.  To return to the circle, and round it goes.  At last we all tire, the guests have been gradually slipping away, finally the Indians look at their tired sleepy children and decide to go, too.  Everybody goes...I fall into bed with the drum still beating in my head.'  When she wakes the next morning, the drum is still thudding in her head.

Millicent Rogers died early, at the age of fifty in 1953.  The damage from the rheumatic fever she'd suffered in childhood finally caught up with her.  She was buried in Taos, her funeral well attended by both international society and Indians from the local Pueblo. 

Burns biography Searching for Beauty: The Life of Millicent Rogers is available from St. Martin's Press.  As I have said - perhaps too much, and I suppose it indicates a not entirely ringing endorsement - the most captivating parts of the book are those centering around Rogers' life in Taos.  Again, though, I am unsure if this lopsidedness is that of a life or its reportage or perhaps my own adoration of New Mexico.  Plenty of bloggers seem to be all thumbs-up, so perhaps you should read it yourself and see.  My final word on the book, though: a narrative about someone so legendarily stylish and, well, visual - someone with so many aesthetically distinctive episodes throughout life - I think both necessitates and deserves many, many more photographs than are published in the book.

- a.t.s.


 
 
 

December 17, 2011

The Native American Couture, pt. 3: easy sex, radical bodymods & a nominee for Worst Tattoo of 1805.

I've much enjoyed reading The Journals of Lewis and Clark, as anyone whose followed Amicus Curiositatis thus far can pretty easily attest.  But I confess I did have a moment of hesitancy when I started finding in its narrative an increasing number of very casual references to the Native Americans encountered along the way as flatheads.  Particularly as the expedition made its way westward past the Missouri river.  I wondered if this was, more or less, the frontier equivalent of certain pejorative terms - and I am sure I don't need to catalog them for you to get the picture - for other races and cultures based on differences in physical appearance and dress.  Well, old books really are the great repositories of antiquated and sometimes embarrassing social order and language; indeed, ofttimes it is curiosity with these cultural fossils that spark engagement with the old books to begin with.  But I think mostly we want to be turned on more than turned off.  And it was in this spirit I found myself midpage, asking: Hmmm. Really?

So it relieved me considerably to learn -  and it is my pleasure to share - that the term flatheads was actually not being applied to Native Americans in general as a pejorative but instead rather matter-of-factly to a collection of indigenous tribes whose heads were really quite literally and intentionally flattened!  Say whaaat?

Here I am speaking specifically of the native tribes of the Pacific Northwest that Lewis' and Clark's expedition encountered, whose peoples were in the habit of flattening their heads in infancy. The culture actively institutionalized cranial disfiguration as a means to an aesthetic ideal, and they were quite keen on tattooing, as well.  And, mercifully, the term flathead - though of course not in English - was already in common usage before the paleface ever even made the North American scene...

Meriwether Lewis tells all in his observations from March 19, 1806.  (And of course I, not Lewis, put the really compelling bits in boldface, as is increasingly becoming the habit...)

The Killamucks, Clatsops, Chinnooks, Cathlahmahs and Wac-ki-a-cums resemble each other as well in their persons and dress  as in their habits and manners.  their complexion is not remarkable, being the usual copper brown of most of the tribes of North America.  they are low in statu[r]e reather diminutive, and illy shapen; poss[ess]ing thick broad flat feet, thick ankles, crooked legs wide mouths thick lips, nose moderately large, fleshey, wide at the extremity with large nostrils, black eyes and black coarse hair.  their eyes are sometimes of a dark yellowish brown the puple black.  the most remarkable trait in their physiognomy is the peculiar flatness and width of forehead which they artificially obtain by compressing the head between two boards while in a state of infancy and from which it never afterwards perfectly recovers.  this is a custom among all the nations we have met with West of the Rocky mountains.  I have observed the heads of many infants, after this singular bandage had been dismissed, or about the age of 10 or eleven months, that were not more than two inches thich about the upper edge of the forehead and reather thiner still higher.  from the top of the head to the extremity if the nose is one straight line  this is done in order to give a greater width to the forehead, which they much admire.  this process seems to be continued longer with the female than their mail children, and neither appear to suffer any pain from the operation.  it is from this peculiar form  of the head that  the nations East of the Rocky mountains, call all the nations on this side, except the Aliohtans or snake Indians, by the generic name of Flatheads.

Well how about all of that!?  It certainly makes one wonder what must have been the impetus to get into that sort of habit in the first place.  What are the roots of the tradition?  Was it mythology?  Magic?  Boredom?  I mean, really, what does make someone decide it would be a swell thing to mash their baby's head in a press?

A page from Lewis' and Clark's journals illustrating the flattening process and its result.


I have to think how really odd it must have been to be a member of the expedition at this point - that is to say, a complete outsider - as they traveled among these tribes, by far I think the freakiest people Lewis and Clark were to encounter.  I know I would have had my share of W.T.F. moments, which isn't always a bad thing per se (unless of course you burst out laughing and hurt some one's feelings). And if the head-shaping thing was not enough, apparently the tribes were into some intentional swelling of the legs as well, through some sort of ornamental binding.  Lewis continues on the topic in his entry from above:

The large or apparently swolen legs particularly observable in the women are obtained in great measure by tying a cord tight around the ankle.  their method of squating or resting themselves on their hams which they seem from habit to prefer to sitting, no doubt contributes much to this deformity of the legs by preventing free circulation of the blood.

I am (lightheartedly) left to wonder if this isn't some sort of indigenous, 19th century equivalent of suffering stilettos for the sake of an attractive effect on the leg.  After all, every culture really does have its aesthetic idiosyncrasies.  (Though I will take a moment to again clarify explicitly that these expressions of body modification were exclusive to these Pacific Northwest tribes - though the title of my post might lead one to believe otherwise.   As far as the title goes, I am using Native American to reference in particular the indigenous peoples encountered in the narrative of The Journals of Lewis and Clark, and I am lumping this post's information in with a series generated around the explorers' observations of the appearance of these tribes during their journey from 1804 to 1806.  I will also clarify that today there is an actual, formally-titled Flathead tribe - who do not intentionally flatten their heads. I am most definitely not writing about them.)



A flathead mother giving her baby the treatment, from 1860. Note the small feet, large legs, and extensive tattooing as well.

So these Native Americans were very different than their European observers, on many levels.  As we see, both groups had radically different ideals of beauty - clearly - and both also prescribed to different ideals in sexual expression.  Not only did the Indians of the Northwest practice forms of body modification, they were also big on tattooing their skin.  In the following passage William Clark touches again on the forced swelling of the legs and the tattooing, and also reveals a little bit about native sexual mores - at least as perceived through the filter of his own, which of course is always the way.  This passage illustrates what I think must be nominated as Worst Tattoo of 1805, and it's also the beginning of a fairly amusing little sexual narrative.  From Clark's journal entry from November 21, 1805:
An old woman & Wife of the Chunnooks came and made a Camp near ours.  She brought with her 6 young Squars (her daughters & nieces) I believe for the purpose of Gratifying the passions of our party and receving for those indugiences Such Small [presents] as She (the old woman) thought proper to accept of.
Those people appear to View Sensuality as a Necessary evel, and do not appear to abhor it as a Crime in the unmarried State.  The young females are fond of the attention of our men and appear to meet the sincere approbation of their friends and connections, for thus obtaining their favors,     the Womin of the Chinnook Nation have handsom faces low and badly made with large legs & thighs which are generally  Swelled from a Stopage of the circulation to the feet (which are Small) by maney Strands of Beeds or curious Strings which are drawn tight around the leg above the ankle,     their legs are also picked [tattooed] with different figures,  I saw on the left arm of a Squar the following letters J. Bowman,   all those are considered by the natives of this quarter as handsom deckerations, and a woman without those deckerations is Considered as among the lower Class   they ware their hair loose hanging over their back and Sholders     maney have blue beeds threaded & hung from different parts of their ears and about ther neck and around their wrists,   their dress otherwise is prosisely like that of the Nation of War ci a cum as already discribed.

A tattoo of "J. Bowman" on your body?  How the hell does one end up with that?!  That's almost as regrettable as Johnny Depp's Winona Forever - especially when one looks at Winona Then and Now.  Well, to be fair in considering the provenance of such a tattoo, the Lewis and Clark expedition was not the first group of white folks these Indians had seen - only the first to come across land from the east.  By the time Lewis and Clark arrived at the Pacific, there was already regular maritime trade between natives and whites along the coast.  The expedition had even considered hopping a ship for the ride back home. 

I guess one can assume that Mr. (or Ms.?) J. Bowman was somehow connected to this coastal commerce.  But, to reference Winona Forever again, was it the mark of love?  Or (and it amuses me to think as much) was this abstract, just another example of a sort of illiterate cross-cultural appropriation - like when the Japanese borrow English words out of any sensible context to lend an international cachet to product packaging. Or vice versa, when Americans sport t-shirts emblazoned with Kanji characters that might translate to either "Peace" or "Ear Wax" for all they really know.  So what did it mean, then, that J. Bowman?  Did it just look cool?

It's also interesting to see reference to Indian class structure, when I think many of us grow up with perceptions of indigenous society as a more egalitarian, destratified thing.  Quite the contrary, really, as - at least in the research I found of someone writing about the Upper Chinook Clackamas, and there is no reason to believe allied tribes were much different - the society was divided among a wealthy, hereditary ruling class, a lesser sort of commoner or middle class, and a whole lot of slaves.  Slavery, though, was something one could buy one's way out of, and conversely find oneself in as the consequence of debt.   It's interesting to see also the reference to status indicators and symbols, something that seems to transcend any cultural boundary, though in this instance is imbued in tattoos - which of course are generally not a traditional indicator of inclusion into our own upper classes. (My late and upright Protestant grandmother would have added anklets and pierced ears to the list, as well...)

The aforementioned head-flattening was also central in conveying and even accessing social status. Says one Anglo observer in 1835: "It is even considered among them a degradation to possess a round head, and one whose caput has happened to be neglected in his infancy, can never become even a subordinate chief in his tribe, and is treated with indifference and disdain, as one who is unworthy a place amongst them."  Apparently you just can't shatter a glass ceiling with a round head; it's a conehead's world...


How much would you pay for a night with this woman?

Well, on a semi-sexy note, apparently those six aforementioned "squars" did succeed in securing some goods for a little nooky, though the Journals' narrative indicates the exchange was not limited exclusively to sex and trade goods.  Writes Meriwether Lewis upon encountering the six ladies yet again on March 15, 1806:

we were visited this afternoon by Delashshelwilt a Chinnook Chief his wife and six women of his nation which the old baud his wife had brought for market.  this was the same party that had communicated the venerial to so many of our party in November last, and of which they have finally recovered.  I therefore gave the men a particular charge with rispect to them which they promised me to observe.  late this evening we were also visited by Catel a Clatsop man  and his family.  he brought a canoe and a Sea Otter Skin for sale neither of which we purchased this evening.  The Clatsops who had brought a canoe for sale last evening left us early this morning.
Oh dear! A bit of a disaster, really!  Every one's got the clap - the treatment for which at the time is mercury.  But fortunately lessons are learned, so writes Meriwether Lewis on March 17, 1806:


Old Delashelwilt and his women still remain   they have formed a ca[m]p near the fort and seem to be determined to lay close s[i]ege to us but I believe  notwithstanding every effort of their winning graces, the men have preserved their constancy to the vow of celibacy which they made on this occasion to Capt. C. and myself.  we have had our perogues prepared for our departure, and shal set out as soon as the weather will permit.

Personally I am wondering how these men could have found the wherewithal to lay with some freaky flat-headed, tatted-up, swollen-leg gals - but I guess pussy is another of those things that transcends cultural borders.  Generally as long as it isn't tattooed or flattened.  Though in the defense of the ladies, there is always something to be said for tenacity...

- a.t.s.


December 14, 2011

The Native American Couture, pt. 2: mad about beads; wherein the author discourses additionally on the occasional uselessness of European currency and its interesting consequences.

It's not uncommon to hear disparaging commentary on the beads-for-land trade that opened the island of Manhattan for European colonization.  At least not if one hangs out with liberal-minded, hyper-educated types (and here I'll ask, why wouldn't you?).  The transaction in question occurred between the Dutch and the indigenous Lenni Lenape tribe in 1626, and apparently cross-cultural misunderstanding ruled the day: the Dutch thought they were making an outright purchase; the natives - possessing no concept of personal land ownership - instead "interpreted the trade goods as gifts given in appreciation for the right to share the land."  And the goods that secured the transaction - be it for tenancy or outright ownership - consisted of a bag of  "beads and trinkets" valued then at 60 Dutch guilders.  I don't know that one could even buy a string of beads in Manhattan for that today, though back then I am sure it made for a fairly sizable bag.  But what I think is interesting - especially for people like ourselves, whose every consuming move is governed and facilitated by ethereal, fiat currencies like the US$, and who are generally removed from any sort of barter or commodity-for-commodity trade - is not the price, but the means of payment: firstly, that the Dutch did not settle the account in guilders, or even plain old gold for that matter, and secondly, that they paid primarily in beads.

So apparently it's true: money really doesn't buy everything, though it seems likely everything still has its price.  I'm not an economist (just the alumnus of a sophomore Principles of Macroeconomics course, the sole sparking interest in which I took in the British economist John Maynard Keynes, his bisexuality, and his involvement in the Bloomsbury group), but what it really comes down to, and perhaps you will agree, is this: a unit of exchange only has liquidity if both parties imbue it with value in relatively equal measure.  Which is to ask, what the hell is a Lenni Lenape going to spend a guilder on in 1626?  What, for that matter, are they going to do with a gold coin short of flip it or wear it, or flip it to see who gets to wear it?

An interesting example of the very non-European non-primacy of gold comes from the Spanish conquest of "New Spain".  When the conquistador Hernán Cortés made his entrada into the Aztec-dominated lands we now know as Mexico, although the Spaniards could easily be diagnosed as suffering from a robust case of gold fever, the Aztecs, while rich in the shiny commodity, did not value it above all others.  The Aztecs - who were quite terrific with feathers and wore them to no end  - actually valued the feather of the Resplendent Quetzal (Pharomachrus mocinno) most of all.  Diplomatic offerings were sent to the conquistadors as they approached Tenochtitlan from the gulf, including quantities of the coveted quetzal feathers, to demonstrate the wealth, power, and opulence of the Aztec emperor.  But of course a gold-hungry Spaniard had no cultural impetus whatsoever to reciprocate in appreciation.  I mean, really, what if aliens invaded and we tried to appease them with offerings of Louis Vuitton handbags?


European School portrait of Montezuma II - note the feather work on the outside of his cloak and shield. I've always been especially fond of the orange and blue coloration of this painting, as well.

In an earlier post I wrote of Indian sign language being the lingua franca of the North American continent: an effective means of communication that could successfully carry one, more or less, across the comparatively primitive, polyglot "wilderness," from sea to shining sea.   Obviously in a world without traveler's checks, or even formal currency for that matter, paying one's way along the journey presents a challenge, and from the Dutch experience we already see that beads could open doors.  Similar valuation of beads is found throughout the Lewis and Clark journals, from which I can comfortably say that they were the most universally accepted trade commodity, and indeed paid many an expense as the expedition made its way from St. Louis to the Pacific and back again.  Of course the natives were also keen on procuring guns, axes, kettles, metal tools, blankets, and tobacco - but beads in particular seem to have been a hit.  Possibly because they are such fun to wear (I mean, they are hardly essential to living), and the Native Americans of course had a terrific sense for personal adornment.  Beads one can work with, guilders one cannot.

As Clark and the expedition make their way along the Columbia river, he takes time to reflect on the primacy of the bead among the salmon-fishing tribes living along its banks. His journal entry of November 1, 1805, really hints at the widespread currency of beads:
...however they git in return for those articles Blue and white beeds copper Kettles, brass arm bands, some scarlet and blue robes and a fiew articles of old clothes, they prefer beeds to any thing, and will part with the last mouthfull of articles of clothing they have for a fiew of those beeds, those beeds the[y] traffic with Indians Still higer up this river for roabs, Skins, cha-pel-el [biscuitroot] bread, beargrass &c. who in turn trafick with those under the rockey mountains for Beargrass, quarmash roots & robes &c.
Clearly there is widespread currency in beads.  And I'll also add here, though it is not entirely relevant, that I suspect beads were much prettier in 1805, or at least of more consistent integrity - when everything was naturally derived, handmade, and American Indian apparel was the apparel of everyday life and not costume for the odd pow wow.  No artificially dyed feathers or plastic beads here, paleface.


Portrait of Shó-me-kós-see, or "The Wolf", of the Kansa tribe.  Painted by George Catlin in 1832. From the Smithsonian collection.

Beads were often worn copiously - on strands and integrated into complex mixed-media accessories as well.  Returning from the Pacific, Clark notes the appearance of the Choppunish, or Nez Percés (from the French for "pierced nose").  His journal entry from May 7th 1806:
The orniments worn by the Chopunnish are, in their nose a single shell of Wampom, the pirl & beeds are suspended from the ears. beads are worn arround their wrists, neck, and over their shoulders crosswise in the form of a double sash. the hair of the men is cewed in two rolls which hang on each side in front of the body. Collars of bears claws are also common; but the article of dress that in which they appear to bestow most pains and orniments is a kind of collar or breastplate; this is most commonly a strip of otter skins of about six inches wide taken out of the center of the skin its whole length including the head. this is dressed with the hair on. this is tied around the neck & hangs in front of the body the tail frequently reaching below their knees; on this skin in front is attatched pieces of pirl, beeds, wampom, pices of red cloth and in short whatever they conceive most valuable or ornamental.
Bear fur and claws are particularly valued in apparel as the bears of the west - especially the grizzly - were dangerously aggressive and extremely hard to kill.  Lewis and Clark, armed with shotguns and accustomed to the more docile black bears of the East, underestimated the temper and might of the grizzlies and were surprised to find that felling one often required both multiple gunshots and a hell of a lot of running for your life until the bear finally dropped.  Needless to say, gunless and armed with just bow and arrow, the indigenous Americans were not keen to take them on and so to actually fell a bear was considered an accomplishment and by extension, seemingly, to sport the trophy of such a kill, high status.



The noted warrior Shon ta yi ga, or "Little Wolf" of the Iowa tribe - painted by George Catlin, 1844. Note the abundance of beads, as well as the formidable bear claw necklace.


Here's a truly interesting passage, one where William Clark pretty much spells out the value of beads to his American Indian associates in no uncertain terms.  He also describes some of the more gruesome and curious accessory choices of the Nez Percés, and again I will put the more sensational details in boldface, since that's the sort of person I am. From his entry dated May 1th, 1806:
...they do not appear to be much devoted to baubles as most of the nations we have met with, but seem anxious always to recive articles of utility, such as knives, axes, Kittles, blankets & mockerson awls. blue beeds however may form and exception to this remark; This article among all the nations of this country may be justly compared to gold and silver among civilized nations. They are generally well clothed in their stile. Their dress consists of a long shirt which reaches to the middle of the leg, long legins which reach as high as the waist, mockersons & robe. those are formed of various skins and are in all respects like those of the Shoshone. Their orniments consists of beeds, shells and pieces of brass variously attached to their dress, to their ears arround their necks wrists arms &c. a band of some kind usially serounds the head, this is most frequently the skin of some fir animal as the fox otter &c. I observed a tippet worn by Hohastillpilp, which was formed of Humane scalps and ornemented with the thumbs and fingers of several men which he had slain in battle, they also were a coller or breastplate of otter skin ornimneted with shells beeds & quills. the women brade their hair in two tresses which hang in the same position of those of the men, which ar[e] cewed and hand over each shoulder &c.
 A tippet, by the way - and I had to research it myself - is a sort of long scarf that wraps over the shoulders and hangs down the front on either side, such as one finds in the vestments of certain types of clergy, though the natives' were made from skins.  Would you wear one? Would you wear one covered with thumbs and fingers?  Well, maybe...

Another terrifically curious example of the occasional worthlessness of European currency is one that culturally and stylistically still touches our lives very much today.  In the early years of global maritime trade - when state-chartered companies like the East India Company (founded 1600 by Elizabeth I) and its Dutch equivalent, the Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie (of 1602) were sending ships on the astonishingly long voyage around the cape of Africa and on to ports in Asia - the initial goods for acquisition were spices.  The appetite of the European market for which simply could not be satiated, and historically many fortunes were made trying. 

Many desired varieties of spices came from the "Spice Islands" of Indonesia and elsewhere in Southeast Asia, and though the European ships set sale with stores of gold to make their purchase, the producing tribes of the islands were basically pre-literate and without currency - and they found no utility whatsoever in gold, either.  Again, what does a guilder buy you in the jungle?  So spices-for-gold was a no go, however the natives would trade for more practical items, particularly textiles.   And so the trade became triangular: European ships would exchange gold for textiles in India, then sail to the islands to trade Indian textiles for spices, then return to Europe to resell the spices for gold on the European market.  Problem solved.

But thanks to the success of the spice trade, another market was opened as its accidental bi-product: some of these spice-heavy ships started returning home also with leftover remnants of Indian textiles.  The directors of these trading companies - and I am quite sure their wives, too - got a look at the colors and the patterns and basically said, "These. Are. Fabulous."   And so shortly ships began returning laden with textiles as well, which in turn introduced the Tree of Life design to Europe and European craftsmen, which is pretty much the common evolutionary ancestor to every piece of large-scaled floral patterned chintz to which we somewhat reflexively accredit today as the backbone and basis of the "English country look".  French merchants especially came to appropriate the Indian design motifs as they soon realized, amidst great demand, it was far more profitable to domestically manufacture Indienne-style knock-offs than to actually go to the expense of importing them for resale - and this is why "French Provencial" textiles are often a curious combination of European flora mixed with Eastern design elements such as paisleys and palmettes...

(Yeah, I basically ache to write scads on this - in my esteem a fascinating and antique sort of cross-culturalism - but that will have to wait until after I finish up with Lewis & Clark, which I assure you is only going to get freakier...)

December 7, 2011

The Native American Couture, pt. 1: skins on skin. Or, the peek-a-boo chic...

Last month there was something of an uproar here in town when a party promoter proposed what would be an ill-fated, or at least ill-themed, Thanksgiving food drive at a local club.  The name of the party was originally slated to be  "Pocahotass" and it invited fashion-forward attendees to dress up, more or less, as Pilgrims & Indians. 

And while I suspect the initial intention of the gay promoters was one of innocence (coupled with an overwhelming desire to wear feathers), probably little more than to invoke the sort of celebratory, elementary-school playfulness most likely apparent the last time any of us actually did dress up as Pilgrims and Indians, naturally the event was immediately seized upon by critics who vociferously dubbed the entire affair far too exploitative and insensitive.  Well, in retrospect I suppose anyone could have, or should have, seen that coming.  Apparently in this world of ours there is simply no room for the canned good-collecting homosexual dancing in feathered headress - unless of course it's of the Vegas showgirl variety.  But still the reality remains: nobody really wants to dress like a Pilgrim and anyone, with any style, would rather dress like an Indian.  Or I'll just say this: that in the classical Native American costume there is a certain style, a flair, and a materiality that today's fashion queen likely wants to explore in greater depth...

As Lewis and Clark make their historic journey across the continent, they are in almost constant company with Native Americans along the way: the Mandans and Minnetarees of the upper Missouri river, the Shonshonee, the Nez Perces, the various Chinnook tribes along the Columbia to the Pacific.  Many of the tribes, particularly those around the Rockies, are isolated from both the "white" settlements of the East and the maritime trade along the Pacific coast, and have never encountered a European before.  They are, however, generally cognizant of their existence, and in some cases posses possibly second and third-generation traded goods from Spanish colonials and frontiersmen to their south (I am guessing in Colorado).  Both Lewis and Clark take copious notes about what they encounter on their long journey, and the appearance, dress, and customs of the natives are no exception.


 The Mandan medicine man, Mah-to-he-ha, or Old Bear, painted by George Catlin, 1832 - Smithsonian Collection

 
In my reading of The Journals of Lewis and Clark, I've noted some passages for consideration: ones that illustrate the almost exclusive usage of animal skins in the construction of garments - as these tribes have no means of fiber processing at this time - and their sense of adornment.  But interestingly (or maybe I am just a perv), these passages also reveal the Native American's comparatively racy sense of bodily display - which is to say, more accurately, absence of Judeo-Christian modesty - of which the white explorers were unable to feign ignorance, for better and, as the record I think amusingly shows, sometimes for worse.  That's right, often they were lettin' it all hang out!  And I'll be happy to put the illustrative passages in bold face for the sake of simple sensationalism, but besides that, it is actually interesting to see what constitued the fashion...

Here William Clark shares his sartorial observations among the Nez Perces, who traditionally led a seasonally-nomadic existence through Idaho, Washington, and Oregon.  His entry from October 10, 1805:
The Cho-pun-nish or Pierced nose Indians are Stout likely men, handsom women, and verry dressy in their way,  the dress of the men are a White Buffalo robe or Elk Skin dressed with Beeds which are generally white, Sea Shells & the Mother of Pirl hung to the[i]r hair & on a piece of otter skin about their necks   hair Ceewed in two parsels hanging forward over their Shoulders, feathers, and different Coloured Paints which they find in their Countrey  Generally white, Green & light Blue.  Some fiew were a Shirt of Dressed Skins and long legins & Mockersons Painted, which appear to be their winters dress, with a plat of twisted grass about their Necks.
The women dress in a Shirt of Ibex or Goat [bighorn] Skins which reach quite down to their anckles with a girdle,   their heads are not ornemented.  their Shirts are ornemented with quilled Brass, Small peces of Brass Cut into different forms, Beeds, Shells & curious bones &c.   The men expose those parts which are generally kept from few [view] by other nations but the women are more perticular than any other nation which I have passed [in s[e]creting the parts].

On October 17th, 1805, Clark has an encounter with another group down the road, where the ladies are, apparently, plus-sized and hardly modest. I wonder if this constitutes the 1805 equivalent of a camel toe...?

The Dress of those natives differ but little from those on the Koskoskia and Lewis's rivers, except the women who dress verry different, in as much as those above ware long leather Shirts which [are] highly ornimented with beeds shells &c. &c. and those on the main Columbia river only ware a truss or pece of leather tied around them at their hips and drawn tite between their legs and fastened before So as bar[e]ly to hide those parts which are so sacredly hid & s[e]cured by our women. Those women are more inclined to Co[r]pulency than any we have yet Seen, their eyes are of a Duskey black, their hair of a corse black without orniments of any kind as above.


Shé-de-ah, or Wild Sage, of the Wichita tribe painted by George Catlin, 1834 -Smithsonian Collection
Catlin wrote: “Amongst the women of this tribe, there were many that were exceedingly pretty in feature and in form; and also in expression, though their skins are very dark. … [They] are always decently and comfortably clad, being covered generally with a gown or slip, that reaches from the chin quite down to the ankles, made of deer or elk skins.…"  The Smithsonian adds "The sensual appeal (of this portrait) suggests that the artist was not always an objective observer of Indian life."

I've mentioned before that Lewis is the more gifted writer of the two, and this, perhaps the most sensational of all, does not disappoint. He records on March 19th, 1806, as the expedition prepares to depart the Pacific and make their journey home:

The Killamucks, Clatsops, Chinnooks, Cathlahmahs, and Wic-ki-a-cums resemble each other as well in their persons and dress as in their habits and manners .... The dress of the women  consists of a robe, tissue, and sometimes when the weather is uncommonly cold, a vest. their robe is much smaller than that of the men, never reaching lower than the waist nor extending in front sufficiently to cover the body.  it is like that of the men confined across the breast with a string and hangs loosly over the shoulders and back.  the most esteemed and valuable of these robes are made of strips of the skins of the Sea Otter net together with the bark of the white cedar or silk-grass.  these strips are fist twisted and laid parallel with eath other a little distance assunder, and then net or wove together in such a manner that fur appears equally on both sides, and unites between the strands.  it make[s] a warm and soft covering.  other robes are formed in a similar manner of the skin of the Rackoon, beaver &c.   at other times the skin is dressed in the hair and woarn without any further preparation.  the`vest is always formed in the manner first discribed of their robes and covers the body from the armpits to the waist, and is confined behind, and destitute of straps over the sholder to keep it up.  when this vest is woarn the breast of the woman is concealed. but without it which is almost always the case, they are exposed, and from the habit of remaining loose and unsuspended grow to great length, particularly in aged women in many of whom I have seen the bubby reach as low as the waist.  The garment which occupied the waist, and from thence as low as nearly to the knee before and the ham, behind, cannot properly be denominated a petticoat, in the common acceptation of that term;  it is a tissue of white cedar bark, bruised or broken into small shreds, which are interwoven in the middle  by means of several cords of the same material, which serve as well for a girdle as to hold in place the shreds of bark which form the tissue, and which shreds confined to the middle hang with their ends pendulous from the waist , the whole being of sufficient thickness when the female stands erect to conceal those parts usually covered from formiliar view, but when she stoops or places herself in many other attitudes, this battery of Venus is not altogether impervious to the inquisitive and penetrating eye of the amorite.
Oh, Meriwether Lewis, that's a hell of a way to say you can see a gal's muffin!  But of course though, truly, we like nothing really impervious to the inquisitive and penetrating eye, amorite or otherwise.